Hope, A. (2011). The Body: A Review and a Theoretical Perspective. In E. Jeanes, D. Knights, & P. Martin. Handbook of Gender, Work, and Organization. Blackwell/Wiley Publishing

The Body: A Review and A Theoretical Perspective Angela Hope Saint Mary’s University San Antonio, Texas 210 870 9451 angela.hope@hotmail.com Abstract: This chapter opens with a review of the body in social theory, feminist theory, and lastly in organization studies. The approaches to the body in these three fields are critiqued for their efficacy in empowering the body and subverting dualism. Throughout this literature review, I iterate the notion that the seat of agency lies in the flesh. Then, I depict how bodies are corporeally managed in the organization, specifically how bodies become subordinated, othered, and even traumatized. This process, referred to as ‘corporeal scapegoating,’ is situated at the intersection of the body, gender, organization studies, and sociology of religion. Future implications for research are offered. “What is at stake is the activity and agency, the mobility and social space, accorded to women. Far from being inert, passive, noncultural and an ahistorical term, the body may be seen as the crucial term, the site of contestation, in a series of economic, political, sexual, and intellectual struggles” –Elizabeth Grosz, 1994, 19. INTRODUCTION1 This article provides a critical analysis and review of the body in social theorizing, feminist theory, and organization studies in order to give my reader a broad understanding of the body that is not necessarily always feminist-oriented or even perhaps gender-oriented. In the second part of the article, the article shifts towards creating theory. Relying on the underlying assumption that the seat of individual agency lies in the flesh, I craft a theoretical account of what I contend occurs to bodies in organizations and society and how they become corporeally organized by our cultural, economic, and religious structures. The focus is on how and why bodies become othered. This process of organizing and segregating bodies, referred to as ‘corporeal scapegoating,’ is situated at the intersection of the body, gender, organization studies, and sociology of religion. THE BODY IN SOCIAL THEORY The body as an area of inquiry in the social sciences mostly began in the 1960’s by philosophers, cultural anthropologists, and social theorists like Erving Goffman, (1963), Mary Douglas (1970), Michael Foucault (1979), Pierre Bourdeiu (1984), Mikhail Bakhtin (1984), among many other well-known thinkers. The body as a central and independent focus began in 1984, when Bryan Turner produced his foundational piece, The Body and Society, that prompted, along with a growth in publications on the body, the journal Body and Society which launched in 1995 (Turner, 1996). These explorations investigate the body as it intersects with topics like technologies, consumption, communication, identities, social order, health and disease, and ethics, to name a few. 1 The recent attention to the body along with enquiring into the current status of the western body calls for attention. Turner contends that the recent interest in the body is due to the rise of a somatic society by which he means “a society within which our major political and moral problems are expressed through the conduit of the human body” (Turner, 1996, 6). A move away from a ‘puritanical orthodoxy’ which belied the bourgeois industrial capitalism, allowed for a move into a body conscious society indirectly promoted by a postindustrial society and postfordist economy (Ibid, 1996). Religious studies scholar Linda Holler (2002), conversely, would make the case that our western society is undergirded with a utilitarian morality that is body-denying rather than body-affirming. She calls for the need to reorient our ethical structures rooted in the body: Just as dualistic, disembodied philosophy inevitably gave rise to an ethic based on logos—on rules, authorities, and duties—so embodied awareness must rise to an ethic base on eros, a somatic, intuitive form of agency in which empathy, compassion, and care are the central moral qualities (Holler, 2002, 1). Her argument articulates that touch is the seat of revolution towards a radical change for a society based on eros, love from the body. However currently, we rely on the intellect excessively to dictate our moral ways of being. This chiefly has to due with not only our western philosophical heritage from the Greeks, but also our much still imbedded Judeo-Christian heritage, despite the supposed claim to secularization (Berger, Davie, & Fokas, 2008; Hope, 2007) Still others have theories as to why the body’s become a rising interest in social theory. Anthony Giddens identifies a change in our society that marks a ‘transformation of intimacy’ where emotions are legitimated as a vehicle for interpersonal interaction (1991). Arthur Frank draws attention to the phenomena that acute illness and disease have diminished while chronic, lingering illness predominate our society. This has created the impetus for work and leisure to be largely affected by the workings of our body, he argues, simply because it is harder to die (Frank, 1995). Another main impetus for the rise of the body as a necessary area of inquiry stems from the ‘liberation movements’ of feminists, theologians, postcolonialists, and poststructuralists. Many of these movements stem from a critique of positivism, our Hellenistic philosophical heritage, and the dominant grandnarratives of Judeo-Christianity which privilege the mind over the body. These proponents attend to subverting oppressive discourses and structures which marginalize the body, matter, earth, the feminine, and so on. In line with the liberation movement, I contend quite the opposite of what Bryan Turner articulates, namely that we have encountered a kind of corporeal management dictated by our economic structure which disciplines our minds and bodies. With respect to bodies, because this corporeal management occurs mainly in the context of work, analysis of the organization and work is central to responding to this phenomenon. In our capitalist society, work is an integral part of our lives in terms of our identities and sense of meaning to the point where work bleeds into family and leisure as these boundaries are in flux and fluid. Moreover, more and more women have jobs today but still women and moms remain the primary worker in the family arena, causing a kind of double corporeal suffocation as their bodies are (man)aged through two 2 organizational spheres which privilege males. NPR reports that by 2010, seventy percent of mothers will have jobs and women will be the majority of the workers (Collins, 2009). This claim that we have encountered a corporeal suffocation, and women a double corporeal suffocation, is intended to be universalistic within the western context, however, in terms of how different groups based on class, gender, race, ableism, and sexual-orientation, are affected is not universal, but differs along these socio-economic categories in terms of both degree and kind. I will return to these concepts in the next section. This section only touched briefly on the body in the field of social theory but attention was focused the state of the body in our society and why the body has become a rising interest in the social sciences. It is important to analyze why the body is important for study if one is to go further in this area of research. The question to ask is: What is at stake if the body is not researched and central to theoretical and practical concerns at work and in society? For me, the answer is women and marginalized others oppression in work and family organizations is at stake. Dualistic thinking and material manifestations of this are the medium which spread alienation, oppression, and violence towards bodies, especially non-normative bodies. As the body is aligned with women and the mind aligned with men in a hierarchical fashion, the body becomes the crucial site for the alleviation of suffering. THE BODY IN FEMINIST THEORY (Beasley, 2005) Feminism deals with the concept of gender but does not necessarily highlight the importance of the body and sexuality within its critique of androcentric normativity. I will critically explore the role of the body in feminisms in this section.2 The Body in Modern Feminist Theories Modern feminist theorizing has historically, within the first and second waves, conceived the body, typically in a dualistic fashion. Dualistic thinking necessarily orders the two terms in a hierarchy in which one is always privileged and the other subordinated (Grosz, 1994). Liberal/ Egalitarian Feminism which champions the conception of the ‘universal human’ includes writers like Mary Wollstonecraft (1792), Naomi Wolf (1991), and Martha Nussbaum (2000), to name a few. The female body with its specificities of menstruation, pregnancy, lactation and other bodily functions are viewed as a limitation to accessing ‘universal humanness’, and essentially what is, power within patriarchal culture (Grosz, 1994). This negative view regards the body as a limitation for women’s potential to gain equality. Women’s biological differences exist, but, some feminists of this tradition argue, this does not preclude them from reasoning like men. “Convention and habit are women’s enemies, and reason their ally” (M. Nussbaum, 1994, 17). Reason and the faculties of the mind are privileged over the body in all its ‘natural’ habits and tendencies. For liberal feminists, such as Nussbaum, the body is ahistorical, acultural. Its ultimate telos is maternity and childbearing. Its ontological status is predestined, fixed, the manifestation of a baby machine blueprint. The body is an obstruction, but this acknowledgement is necessarily implicit; the body’s burdensome functioning, habits have to be silenced if one can efficaciously appropriate patriarchal power. This tradition does not challenge androcentric, dualistic ontology but reinforces its grandnarrative. 3 Gender Difference Feminism, which relies on identity politics and set essences for women and men, includes thinkers like Mary Daly (1973), Carol Gilligan (1982), Nancy Chodorow (1978), modernist social constructionists, standpoint theorists, socialists, psychoanalysts, and radicals. The theories within this framework rely on an implicit and sometimes explicit social essentialism. Patriarchal power relations produce commonalities amongst women’s experiences —both positive (i.e. Gilligan’s ethics of care) and negative (oppression, rape, domestic violence). They challenge liberal modes of thinking which they argue result in a ‘sameness’ that masks male privilege. Politically, they focus on ‘difference,’ but again do not disrupt the mind(soul)/body subject. The sex (biological)/ gender (representational) distinction is intact, and the focus is to politicize the representational through the use of the body. The female body is still treated as a biologically determined object but the focus shifts to another sort of objectification in which the body is a medium of communication for what is at the psychical (Grosz, 1994). The body itself, in the strongest version of this position is irrelevant to political transformation, and in the weakest version is merely a vehicle for psychological change, an instrument for a ‘deeper’ effect (Ibid, 17). The sex or the body is presumed to be passive and unproductive—it is not the site where change can be enacted. At best, it can be useful, with enough subduing and conditioning (Gilligan 1982). Either way, what constitutes gender at the psychical level (masculinities and femininities) is the subject of transformation. The Body and Postmodern Feminist Theories3 Within postmodern feminism, arguably, three different paradigms exist thus far, Sexual Difference or Corporeal Feminism, Performativity Feminism, and Postcolonial, Transnational or Race, Ethnicity, Imperialism Feminism (Beasley, 2005).4 All versions are highly hesitant towards universal and essentialist truth claims and challenge claims that women are essentially the same or essentially different. These feminist frameworks have difference conceptions of power than their modernist counterparts viewing it instead as relational and manifesting within language. Accordingly, they, with varying intensities, realize the negative, oppressive implications when failing to attend to race, imperialism, class, ability, and sexual orientation. Of the three, two—Corporeal Feminism and Performativity Feminism—have contested stances towards the ontological status of the body and the body’s agentic capacities. Expounders of corporeal feminism refute that performativity feminism, arguably the most popular in American culture and scholarship, locates the body in an agentic fashion. More time will be focused in this area as this is still a current, contentious site for feminists. Now we first turn to Postcolonial/Transnational/REI Feminism. Postcolonial/ Transnational/Race/Ethnicity/Imperialism (REI) Feminism5 include the writings of Gayatri Spivak (1990), Chandra Mohanty (1991), bell hooks (2006), and Patricia Collins (2000), black standpoint theorists, along with many others. To these feminist theorists, the womencentered approach of modern feminism masked a white, western or first world, woman. The body in REI Feminism has taken a back seat so far, probably necessarily so, in order to highlight the importance of including race, ethnicity, and postcolonial/ imperialistic analysis 2 since this has been missing or subordinated to issues of a ‘universal’ woman in western feminism. Implicitly, this feminist perspective has correctly asserted that it is not just the female body which is subordinated within society, it is the body which is not first world and/or white. Indeed, we are summoned to remember that bodies are not just sexed, but they are also of different skin tones and abilities. The white female body is privileged over the black female body from the western perspective. The aboriginal Australian female body is subordinated to the ‘civilized’ white female body. And so on. While it would not be fair to say that feminists within this tradition reinforce the subordination of the body to the mind, their analysis can offer a powerfully informative perspective to understanding corporeality and is a lacuna for future directions in feminist theorizing Sexual Difference/Corporeal Feminism includes the writings of Luce Irigaray (1985), Elizabeth Grosz (1994, 1995), Genevieve Lloyd (2002), Moira Gatens (1996), and many others. Corporeal Feminism marks the shift taken by Elizabeth Grosz in her foundational work, Volatile Bodies (1994). This feminist theorizing stems from the work of Freud and Lacan where the father/phallus symbolizes the cultural representation of power and usually is always psychoanalytical (Beasley, 2005). ‘Woman’ is a symbol defined by her lack or what is left out of the symbolic order. ‘Woman’ is difference which is equated with inferiority. Women per say do not have any set content; in other words, biological essentialism or the notion that women are naturally or even always socially feminine is deconstructed. The feminine represents that which is ‘other’. As what represents the masculine is located in the center and the feminine is located on the periphery or ‘under’ the transcendental masculine (Irigaray, 1985), the strategy is not to reverse the binary order and make what constitutes femininity as the new center, a task of modernist versions of gender difference (Chodorow, Gilligan, Hartstock). The goal is to disrupt or decenter the center of masculine normativity through the body, to blur the boundaries without masking a male norm (Squires, 2001). These feminists address the postmodern critique of essentialism without advocating an ‘orthodox’ postmodern representationalism which subordinates the political possibilities of difference and which further devoid the body of any liberating potential and agentic capacities (Ahmed, 1996). The commitment in this paradigm to the body is to disrupt binary thinking altogether including the sex/gender or matter/representation dichotomy. The body is neither a blank slate nor a predestined, telos-oriented object defined and limited by biology. The body is the locus of thought and unthought which has significance in both the matter and representation debate (Ibid). It mobilizes its own representational and corporeal becoming through more than biological but also through phenomenological and rhizomatical lenses as these thinkers draw from MerleauPonty (1962) and Deleuze and Guatarri (1987). The body is more than an effect of representation; it is “dispossessed of an essence,” but through a becoming ontological process, “it essentializes itself” (Colebrook, 2000, 86). It has its own force, difference, and motility6 and is in the constant process of ‘becoming-meaningful’, rather than the mere effect of construction and representation (Gatens, 1996). While this feminist tradition is committed to disrupting white-male ontology and conceptions of subjectivity, this particular paradigm does not always necessarily disrupt the binary of work/family. It relies on the assumption that the mainstay of male dominance stems from organization of ‘the family’—e.g. the father/phallus and the Mother (Beasley, 2005; New, 1991; Williams, 2001). The assumption is that the institutionalization of patriarchies stems from the organization of the family, its ethos. This can be monolithic if one considers that the 3 institutionalization of manhood is structured through other organizations—e.g. divinity (church) and warriordom (military), not just virility (‘family’). . Performativity Feminism influenced by the works of Judith Butler (1993) and others, denounces the uses of categories when it is at all possible to do so. This brand of feminism “refers to the ‘unadulterated’ or most unrelenting postmodern theoretical trajectory in feminism” (Beasley, 2005, 100).7 Social change does not take place by maintaining identities such as ‘woman’, ‘man’, ‘feminine’, ‘lesbian’, but through resisting identities and categorizations which is synonymous with resisting power. “One is a woman or man as an effect of power” (Ibid, 101). The self is fluid and unstable within this strand of feminism. The body in this brand of feminism has an ontologically active status, though this accessibility is limited by language. Thus, the body is an effect of epistemic conditions. The body is the site of a gendered performance created by the constituted social practice of naming—this naming (gender) is what creates sex (Beasley, 2005; Butler, 1993). “[G]ender produces the misnomer of a prediscursive ‘sex’”(Butler, 1993, 6). The representational is given more weight and priority over the material, which has little agentic capacity outside of language. Paradoxically, this brand of feminism intensifies the matter/representation dichotomy despite the fact that it seeks to dismantle the sex/gender distinction (Colebrook, 2000). Accordingly, I would argue that this does little to subvert the mind (soul)/body dualism which is correlated with matter/representation and sex/gender. Many scholars have charged Butler with committing linguistic monism and determinism, misunderstanding her work, as they relate to bodies and agency which she has been consistent in refuting (Benhabib, 1995). The concept that the body is an effect of signification does not imply that language fully determines the subject (Butler, 1993). Her claim is epistemological not ontological. As a linguistically constructed entity, the body is only accessed epistemologically (Vasterling, 1999). As such, the body’s ontological nature is dissimulated through the discursive effects of power. When her claim is interpreted as an ontological statement about the body, this is where misunderstanding of her perspective stems, because if taken as such, it would imply that the body is nothing more than linguistic constructions. However, what is lacking in this feminist approach is that the door is closed on the possibilities of an ontology of the body that can be accessed outside of present language. Vasterling (1999) calls attention to the difference between intelligibility and accessibility noting that “to equate intelligibility with accessibility would mean that we cannot have access to phenomena we do not understand, that is phenomena we cannot articulate” (Vasterling, 1999, 22). At times we experience such events such as trauma and bodily sensations that we can not entirely make sense of or put into language. There is still blood, dirt, pain, sweat, tears, palpitations, excretion, ecstasy, fear, trauma, and desire. It is not that we cannot understand these situations, but we cannot articulate them in a meaningful way. Often, this “range of accessibility is wider than, though not independent of, the range of intelligibility” (Ibid). Following Butler’s logic, transformation grounded in bodily experiences is deemed implausible. This is not only disheartening, but in my own lived experiences in the aftermath of military sexual trauma, I find this to be unbelievable. 4 To conclude, with the exception of corporeal feminism, feminist theories have viewed the body either as an obstruction in modernist versions to viewing the body, within ‘strong’ postmodern alignments, as a product of representation, power, and language. This trend in feminism is not surprising since western culture is rooted in somatophobia and dualism (Turner, 1997). The persistent historical subjugation of the body is an indication that we have much to access about our embodied beings that has been previously culturally (and I would add religiously) suppressed. Thus, feminist approaches that implicitly or as a byproduct engender the subjugation of the body to the mind are problematic for feminist praxis. THE BODY IN ORGANIZATION STUDIES Academic disciplines, generally speaking, retain the ancient-modern philosophical canon that ethics, knowledge, and truth are produced from the logos8 rather than the body, feeling, and touch. In management and organization studies, positivism remains the dominant research paradigm, a framework which relies on dualistic assumptions (Johnson & Duberley, 2000). The mind/body dualism is correlated with distinctions between categories like men/women, masculine/feminine, reason/emotion, quantitative/qualitative, sameness/difference. Thus not only are organizations filled with managerial practices inherently dualistic which have material consequences, but the knowledge we ascribe to these organizational realities are largely informed from a dualistic perspective. In the field of management and organization studies, typically within the critical domain, a small but steady stream of scholarship is growing around the body and work, as the primacy of positivism and dualistic logic is contested. Most of these scholarly approaches focus on the body by way of gender, identity, consumption, sexuality, aesthetics, and emotions at work. As of the present, only two books have been published in the area of body, organization, and work—Body and Organization by Hassard, Holliday, and Willmott (2000) and Organizing Bodies: Policy, Instutions, and Work by McKee and Watson (2000). Most other foundational contributions from organization studies scholars have come from journal articles and book chapters and include scholars such as Hopfl (2003), Linstead & Pullen (2006), Dale (2001), Acker (1990), Boje & Hettrick (1992), Tyler & Hancock (2001), Knights (2008), and Thanem (2009), along with many others. Some of these scholars like Joan Acker, Melissa Tyler, and Heather Hopfl would consider themselves feminists, but the body has been the subject of inquiry in organization studies beyond the scope of strictly feminism or gender demonstrating that the issue of the body and work goes beyond one epistemic scope. Some would argue that this is problematic. I would caution my reader that any analysis which does not take into account race, gender, class, ability, and other ways our bodies are marked and differentiated could be presumptuous, perhaps even dangerous. (Dale, 2001; Hassard, Holliday, & Willmott, 2000; Thanem, 2009). These works on the body in management and organization studies have all attempted to redress how organizational analyses tend to be disembodied. The study of the body has tended to become estranged from the study of work just as analysis of work organizations has been abstracted from the body (Hassard et al., 2000, 2) They problematize how the body is treated as a function of some larger effect in the organization and address the social control and discipline surrounding bodies at work. Next, I will offer a 5 quick summation of two pieces—one by Stephen Linstead and another by Melissa Tyler and Philip Hancock that attend to the relevance of the body and as a byproduct create embodied scholarship. Tyler and Hancock (2001) discuss the flight attendants’ bodies and how they are compelled to be a particular ‘organizational body’, meaning a body representative of the company. They must embody the organization in order to remain an organizational member. Hence, they have to practice certain body techniques of dress, wear, posture, weight control, and aesthetical looks to be recruited and retained. Linstead (2000) takes a different approach and looks at the connections between fluidity and pollution, and the connection with male and female sexuality, calling attention to the need to include sexuality in the discussion around bodies and organization. He connects the female ejaculation to Deleuze and Guattari’s (1984) construction of desire and Body-without-Organs concept to craft the notion of the organization-without-organs, “replacing the overshadowed phallus with that of the ejaculating woman” in the organization (Linstead, 2000, 32). These analyses and others reveal the relevance of the body in doing an organizational analysis. Given the nature that work organizations have escalated to being an integral part of our society and that our bodies are defecating, sweating, ejaculating, feeling strong, or in pain during the parameters of work, the body is increasingly being ‘brought to work’(Barry & Hazen, 1996). Furthermore, in line with Franks (1995) assessment that illnesses and disease are bleeding into the work and leisure dimensions of our lives, the body is pulsating its presence more than ever to us. Yet for some reason, scholarly work is written as if there are minds behind the computer keys without bodies that may be perhaps aching, hungry, sore, and organizational practices are enacted without considering the toll that the body is taking or the constrictions being placed upon bodies. As I write this, my back is aching from my fibromyalgia, I am feeling my prescribed amphetamines do their job, and I am a bit nauseous, but yet I feel alive and happy that I have spent the past several hours dedicating my time to this piece, doing something I love. I have not been able to write for months because of my illness and depression, so this is a wonderfully needed body exercise to sit here both comfortable and uncomfortable allowing my mind, body, and will to enter into my writing. This, academia, is after all my work, both paid and unpaid. CORPOREAL MANAGEMENT AT WORK AND IN SOCIETY The chapter now shifts towards a theoretical account of how bodies are corporeally managed at work and in society, specifically how and why some bodies are seen as ‘lesser’ than others and subsequently treated as such. I focus on two main organizations, the Catholic Church and the U.S. military, in order to trace not only how but why the concept of the normative body prevails to the detriment of Othered bodies. I do not venture to suggest that what I purport is the only factor at play, though I contend it is a significant starting point for understanding the notion of corporeal management. Corporeal management, in this chapter, refers to the ways in which our bodies organize and manage other bodies in organizations, and are managed and organized by the structures of our economy, culture, values, and societal norms. My conceptual analysis of corporeal management is original in that it includes the discourse around sociology of religion to draw out the implicit structural ideologies and narratives that are enacted and mobilized in the western organization to control the body, or more accurately to strip the body of its agentic capacity. Before continuing on, I must first include an acknowledgement 2 of my own emotionality and embodiment in these sentences. I am informed by my experiences in the U.S. military and the Catholic Church, my social economic status as a privileged GreekHispanic female with access to education (and trained in theology), and by the rants of my atheistic husband whom I love dearly. At various times in the parameters of both these organizations, I have been explicitly and implicitly told that my body is an obstruction because it is sexed differently than a male’s. Now, we turn our attention to the body’s historical legacy and its relationship to western culture and religion. The body has socio-historically been subordinated to the mind since antiquity where dominant phallogocentric and dualistic interpretations of Plato’s texts are at the ethos of the tradition of western metaphysics and ontology (duBois, 1994). Interpretations and representations of Platonic texts typically privilege the mind/ soul over the body, where the body is the cage of the immortal soul. Women are aligned with the body and men are associated with the immortality and transcendence of the intellect/soul. The gradual Christianization of the west, which followed after the reign of the Greeks, was an amalgamation of Judeo and Hellenistic perspectives (Kee, 1998). It carried on the tradition of the body as ineffectual but added more to the narrative—the body also became the place of sin, evil, and weakness, unable to produce ethics (Ibid). Augustine wrote extensively on how it is the will that must orient the body to the good and when the will is oriented towards the good, union with and love of God is attained (Augustine & Wand, 1963). He purported that the man had direct access to God and woman only attained access through the male. Because of her sinful, uncertain body, she could not make the direct link with God. Thus, the body further was stripped of any agentic potential through religious narratives. Despite the move away from religion, the body remained the site of uncertainty and unreliability during the Enlightenment. If anything the schismatic subordination of the body was exacerbated through the added matter/representation dichotomy by the philosophical influence of Descartes (Turner, 1996; Grosz, 1994). Following the Enlightenment into the Postmodern era, many scholars had claimed that the prophesy of secularization theory would be fulfilled and religion would cease to flourish in modern societies. However, the rise in religious behavior across the world has evidenced that religion remains an important part of the human experience, regardless of geographic location, economic structures, and intellectual foundations (Berger et al, 2008). Despite the attempts to break free from religion in the modern and postmodern age, Christianity covertly and overtly continues to penetrate western culture, and thus, the systemic nature of Christian grandnarratives impacts organizations, organizing, and management. This brief historical narrative offered here is meant to demonstrate that the mind/body dualism is intertwined with religious overtones, not just secular philosophical ones, a point that is often overlooked in research on the body, work, and organizations. How the added flavor of these Christian grandnarratives paint the body in turn impacts how bodies are organized in work and in society. The main Christian narrative under scrutiny regards the body, especially the female body, as impotent, uncontrollable, weak, and full of carnality. It locates sin in the flesh (Rambo, 2007). The narrative continues on: the male body, meaning the white, virile, heteronormative body, conversely, is somehow able to transcend his body through the power of his will thereby attaining a salvific state and status. He can break free from the burden of his body as it is not as 2 weighted down with obstructions like the female body or the black gay body is. Those marginal bodies are somehow ‘lesser.’ This grandnarrative remains deeply constituted in to the point where it becomes, not only embedded in discourses, but ritually performed or enacted. I will attest to this enactment through looking at rape in the military and church organizations in the U.S as an example. The military and Catholic Church are unique organizations to discuss the status of the body because they remain the only two core American institutions which can legally bar women’s bodies from certain hyper-valorized roles (Katzenstein, 1998). The U.S. military (which retained the American puritanical legacy) and the Catholic Church forbid women from their ethos-e.g. priesthood and combat arms—in large part because of this Christian-informed body narrative (Hope, 2006). What is celebrated in combat and priesthood is the will of the male, rather than the body; the male is able to transcend his body while the female is too tied to her body weighed down by sin, sexuality, dirt, and fluids. She cannot access divinity or warriordom—these ultra sacred states where only men can tread. Therefore, she cannot be granted access to these core sites in the organization, especially because her soiled, indecent body is like a disease that taints and dirties the ‘cleaner’ bodies of men. The ‘organizational body’ (Tyler & Hancock, 2001) required in the military and church demands the abjection of bodies to construct a simulacra that in actuality not even white, heteronormative males can attain, but only strive towards. The normative body becomes normative, in the pursuit of warriordom/godliness through the abjection of the marginal body. One extreme example of othering is rape. Women and indecent bodies who are indoctrinated in the military organization are subjected to violations, even violent trauma at a larger rate than white male bodies. A study conducted by the Veterans Affairs found that in the U.S. National Guard and Reserves 60% of women are victims of military sexual trauma to include repetitive sexual harassment (Bennett, 2005). An additional study found that 1 in 3 women are raped in the military by their male counterparts and 1 in 7 men are raped primarily by men (SAPR, 2009).In the Catholic Church in the U.S., increased attention has been heeded towards the sexual abuse scandals of young girls and boys, as hundreds of lawsuits have been brought against the Catholic Church (Betrayal : the crisis in the Catholic Church, 2002). This signifies a kind of corporeal scapegoating, imposing one’s body onto another, both literally and figuratively. In the act of rape in addition to other factors, I theorize that a ritualized scapegoating occurs whereby the sin that the male fears on his own body (the phallus) is transmitted through his semen onto the body that is already ‘soiled’, a ‘lost cause.’ The process of exalting the male, where he sheds the weight of his body, takes places through the bodily destruction of the female and young males. The transmission of his soiled body allows for the male to destroy the part of himself that he deems sinful, ungodly, that which prevents his pursuit towards a redemptive realm Rape is an extreme form of othering, but this is a useful example to demonstrate how the body narrative is enacted as well as how bodies become corporeally organized and segregated along the lines of gender, race, sexual orientation, age, ability. Othered bodies get othered through transmission or a projection of bodiliness from the normative male. Redemptive status requires an absent present body. In order for the male to shed his body, he has to go through a process of corporeal neutralization. His body does not go away. It only seems to be absent as men are aligned with the mind, not the body in western thought. Instead, his bodily ‘baggage’ becomes 3 scapegoated onto the bodies of women and non-normative bodies. It is my contention that the bodies of women, bodies of color, malnutrition bodies, ‘disabled’ bodies, indecent and queer bodies are necessarily scapegoated or sacrificed in order to effect and secure the ‘redemptive’ or no longer sinful status of the privileged body. The normative body is absent no longer ejaculating, leaking, but remains solid and bound behind rationality and transcendence while the representational body and all its leakiness and pulsating remains tied to women, ‘homosexuals,’ people of color, the differently-abled. These people are not fully human or fully subjects because of their ‘problematic’ bodies that engender uncertainty, chaos, and capriciousness. Related to the concept of scapegoating, Schmitt (1992) alludes to how whites during the slavery era projected sexuality onto the black man to internalize the notion that the black man is a creature of the ‘lower’ desires, not the white man. …but rather project onto others the faults they fear in themselves and thereby purge themselves of those evils. Fears of an excessive and uncontrolled sexuality are stilled by ascribing this unmanaged sexuality to the black man and to other groups that are in disfavor. Thus, whites can rest assured that they are good because the evil which they secretly fear in their own nature is manifest in other groups who are for that reason despised and scapegoated. (Schmitt, 1992, 42) As a result, Schmitt (1992) argues that racism is sexualized. He further demonstrates that white men’s racism was rooted in an attempt to control women-both black and white. The common accusation that black men have ‘large propagators’ or penises signifies their supposed sexual licentiousness and lustfulness—sins of the flesh—what is in actuality a projection of white male desires onto black men. But ultimately, it is a fear of being bad and the need to secure salvation which drives the process of corporeal scapegoating. This is not to say that white heteronormative male bodies are not objectified or subjected to violence as evidenced in how 1 in 7 males in the military are raped by mostly men. But it does prompt one to wonder if these were marked with class and race, where those higher in authority and perhaps even white did the violating. Further it is also not to say that women and Othered bodies don’t see their own bodies as problematic. Regardless, it is this religio-culturally programmed narrative that engenders the process of corporeal scapegoating. Why not sit peacefully with this sin or why see sin ascribed to the body at all? Weber (1922) alludes to the idea that people are drawn to seek certainty and that the uncertainty (an attribute of bodies) is what drives people to seek salvation as part of the human experience in some form or another, usually as expiation from sin, and thus, from the body. Someone who is saved, or a savior, must fight something, which could be his own ‘corrupt nature,’ but could also be something presumed to be demonic, or something that which he has projected his demons onto in order to secure his victorious redemption (Ibid). To be clear, similar to Weber’s work, my theoretical account offered here is universalistic in nature, but it is not prescriptive, but rather descriptive. To conclude, it is if we shift our attention towards the bodilyness bodies of the marginalized—their ‘innate’ weakness, indecency, and uncertainty, then the body of the privileged white male remains untouched, untarnished, unbodilied, neutralized; his salvation is no longer in contestation. He (the psyche) can still successfully orient his will, being freed of a weighted body, towards the Good, Truth, the 4 godhead. His transcendence depends on his reference in opposition to the non-white, non-male body. Through a radical representationalism, women’s bodies, bodies of color, differently-abled bodies are necessarily scapegoated, relegated to that which must be violated, controlled, disciplined, and feared at work and in society in order to secure the salvific status of white male virile bodies. CORPOREAL MANAGEMENT AND FUTURE RESEARCH In work organizations, managerial practices regulate our bodies to the point that our bodies are confined to do or not do certain bodily behaviors. When we defecate and urinate is regulated, When we eat is timed. We cannot fart or look disheveled depending on the work policy. A certain appearance of hygiene is expected. For women, in certain organizations, their bodies are to coincide with certain prescribed techniques that act to marginalize and even scapegoat their corporeal existence in order for men to appear as the ‘higher’, holier, organizational representative. Classed bodies are marked with sweat, aches, and dirt, markers of indecency and carnality. Yet top-level managers, academic chairs, and male executives present themselves as unmarked, unrevealed bodies. This is evidenced for example in how photos of CEOs in large corporations or university presidents in historical succession are mere head shots as if no bodies exist beneath the heads What is needed to subvert this brand of corporeal management? I have made the universal claim that our culture programs us to experience our bodies as situated in what is the ‘bad’ or sinful. Following this logic, the implication rendered is that white male privileged bodies, those absent present bodies, must be summoned to reveal their bodies in all their uncertainties, fluids, and fleshiness. How this is done is the topic for further research; unfortunately, I will not delve into this here, primarily for space limitations. The main purpose of this article was to provide my reader with a broad view of the body in studies related to gender, work, and organization so that one can possess the necessary background for doing research in this field. Secondly I provided an account of how workers’ bodies are subject to more than just labor but also to a scapegoating phenomenon. 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I agree with her sentiment that organization studies and practices need to be more informed by a corporeal agenda, although in this particular piece, my end result is not particularly feminist, though it could be called that by feminists. However, my intended audience is to those who are broadly interested in the body and gender at work, and I hope to be open in my writing so to be inclusive to nonfeminists, postfeminists, and those who resist being boxed into categories. 2 I ask my reader to remember that this is not an account or narrative of the different brands of feminism. For this, see (Calas & Smircich, 2006 or Beasley, 2005). The point is to give a broad overview of how these feminist paradigms incorporate the body into their views, often subtly and unintentionally in a negative or forgotten fashion. For further reading, see the references. If you are not a feminist or despise feminist work, feel free to skip to the next section 3 It is important to note, that corporeal feminism and postcolonial feminism, though I place these both in the latter postmodern section, are not exclusively postmodern, but also utilize modern, phenomenological, and even postfeminist theorizing. 4 I use Chris Beasely’s topology of feminist theorizing which seems to be the most up to date, inclusive, and easily accessible in terms of its understanding of the feminist discourse. See Beasely, 2005 publication in the field of Gender Studies called Gender and Sexuality: Critical Theories, Critical Thinkers. 5 This particular feminist framework, REI Feminism, coined by Chris Beasley, 2005 is a more inclusive term than simply ‘transnational’ or ‘postcolonial’. Some writers of race are focused on the context of black women in Western countries rather than across the First World and Third World or prefer the usage of ‘ethnicity’ to race. Some writers in this framework are hesitant towards the term First World and Third World as they lump together diverse women (Mohanty, 1991). Imperialism rather than the term colonialism or postcolonialism is a broader reference to a phenomenon of control of which colonialism is a form. 6 Motility is defined by Merleau-Ponty as that which is “not a handmaid of consciousness, transporting the body to the point in space of which we have formed a representation beforehand” (Merleau-Ponty, 1962, 139). 7 Performativity Feminism is a name I give this particular brand of Feminism because of its commitment to resisting any forms of essentialism, biological and social, even for strategic purposes as well as its focus on power and representation rather than corporeality. It denounces identity categories because identities are a performance or enactment of power; there is no real truth or essence behind identity categories (Butler, 1995) Gender and identities do not exist materially except to name and marginalize those who do not ‘fit’ in a certain category. 8 Logos-Greek for ‘word’ by which the inward thought is expressed’ (Liddell, 1997) (Collins, 2009; Frank, 1995{Giddens, 1991 #304){Holler, 2002 #36}PEVuZE5vdGU+PENpdGU+PEF1dGhvcj5Ib3BlPC9BdXRob3I+PFllYXI+MjAwNzwvWWVhcj 48UmVj TnVtPjMwNjwvUmVjTnVtPjxyZWNvcmQ+PHJlYy1udW1iZXI+MzA2PC9yZWMtbnVtYmVyPjxy ZWYt dHlwZSBuYW1lPSJKb3VybmFsIEFydGljbGUiPjE3PC9yZWYtdHlwZT48Y29udHJpYnV0b3JzPjxh dXRob3JzPjxhdXRob3I+SG9wZSwgQTwvYXV0aG9yPjwvYXV0aG9ycz48L2NvbnRyaWJ1dG9ycz 48 dGl0bGVzPjx0aXRsZT5SZXN0cnVjdHVyaW5nIGdvZCBpZGVvbG9naWVzIGluIHdvcmsgc3BhY2 Vz OiBBIGNyaXRpY2FsIGNhdGhvbGljIHBlcnNwZWN0aXZlPC90aXRsZT48c2Vjb25kYXJ5LXRpdG xl PkpvdXJuYWwgb2YgTWFuYWdlbWVudCwgU3Bpcml0dWFsaXR5LCBhbmQgUmVsaWdpb248L 3NlY29u 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C. Nussbaum, 2000; Rambo, 2006; Schmitt, 1992; Spivak & Harasym, 1990; B. Turner, 1997; Tyler & Hancock, 2001; Vasterling, 1999; Weber, 1993; Wolf, 1991; Wollstonecraft & American Imprint Collection (Library of Congress), 1792)}